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January 13, 2011
On the process of teaching Creative Talents
To provide students with independent learning, time and space to develop freely. Create, the accumulation of knowledge should break the premise of the accumulation of knowledge is to produce innovative, leap and materials basis, a clear and solve problems must be based on the existing end, we must expand the students knowledge surface. However, in creating your \ knowledge \ No doubt, this \ Students in the design of the knowledge structure and to determine curriculum, from the vertical, to see the institutions are multi-level training system, rather than one; from the horizontal, to see this level there are many institutions, they all have their own specialization, rather than one. We can only necessary for the level of the professional basic knowledge and expertise required for students to determine the knowledge system. On the other hand, but also a clear knowledge of the compulsory curriculum is different from teaching, classroom teaching to get this system can only be the key and difficult subjects. To fully believe in their reading and comprehension, to a considerable number of subjects freed from the classroom, more time to read to the students themselves, to drill, to make their fortune, to get to the bottom wide hunting or a subject of interest areas. To be taken, including policy guidance, employment-oriented, including effective measures to encourage students to one or two areas have their own unique insights and ideas. In short, to discover and cultivate their creative talents, can not be knowledge of students as bladder filling, can not have thousands of people face their training. (2) reform of teaching methods and examination methods, inspire and nurture the creative spirit of students. Should be recognized that today military academies teaching methods much the same, acting on their behalf on the teachers is almost a hands-on way to train an apprentice, this is very beneficial to students in creative play. Must be changed \ In addition, to expand the opening, so that students learn more about the community, understanding the forefront of scientific development to enhance their sense of urgency and facing the challenge of learning on the climb towards the peak. Examination was to test teaching, an effective means of reform of the education the students have a great encouragement, incentives, and no education model, including quality education models are not repealed. The question now is to create a scientific and effective way to change the past, that the main test for the comprehensive examination of knowledge and memory of the quality of students, in particular analysis is to examine the student creative problem solving quality. The achievement of this breakthrough, then the exam-oriented, to no longer oriented \ (3) to create a strong teaching and research and academic research environment , so that we always aim at a \ Teachers and research team, we should strive to cultivate a group of subjects, academic leaders, and actively create conditions for them to make it more results, play drive, rally effect. Among students, to extensively mobilize and take some of their \ If a group of institutions have a considerable number of people, in teaching, research and academic research has always maintained a \ out students who are bound to have the courage to reform and innovation, most of the character. (4) organizations, students learn the theory of Marxism, especially Marxist philosophy. Study of Marxist theory, and political qualities of both a required course for students, but also the quality of students based on creative projects. Marxist theories, especially Marxist philosophy in many of the basic principles set forth, for the people of creative thinking and creative practice, not only has to enlighten the meaning of inspiration, but also has practical guidance role. Such as: the world is movement, change of perspective; All things are in the development of mutual ties and the eternal perspective; view of specific issues and problems; against the isolated, static, one-sided point of view; to dare to \ \ These principles not only inspire people to follow the original appearance of things in the world dialectically, creative thinking, and indicate the correct direction of thinking and practice. Meanwhile, Marxist classical writers is the courage to explore, to create a model of courage. Therefore, we emphasize the quality of teaching students the process of creative, pay attention to the great man theory of learning and learning style of their spirit together.
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Shu Tao Zuo _4062 Tuogu

August 16, 2011
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August 23, 2011
Repetition, according to Hegel, plays a crucial role in history: when something happens just once, it may be dismissed as an accident, something that might have been avoided if the situation had been handled differently; but when the same event repeats itself, it is a sign that a deeper historical process is unfolding. When Napoleon lost at Leipzig in 1813, it looked like bad luck; when he lost again at Waterloo, it was clear that his time was over. The same holds for the continuing financial crisis. In September 2008, it was presented by some as an anomaly that could be corrected through better regulations etc; now that signs of a repeated financial meltdown are gathering it is clear that we are dealing with a structural phenomenon. We are told again and again that we are living through a debt crisis, and that we all have to share the burden and tighten our belts. All, that is, except the (very) rich. The idea of taxing them more is taboo: if we did, the argument runs, the rich would have no incentive to invest, fewer jobs would be created and we would all suffer. The only way to save ourselves from hard times is for the poor to get poorer and the rich to get richer. What should the poor do? What can they do? Although the riots in the UK were triggered by the suspicious shooting of Mark Duggan, everyone agrees that they express a deeper uneasebut of what kind? As with the car burnings in the Paris banlieues in 2005, the UK rioters had no message to deliver. (There is a clear contrast with the massive student demonstrations in November 2010, which also turned to violence. The students were making clear that they rejected the proposed reforms to higher education.) This is why it is difficult to conceive of the UK rioters in Marxist terms, as an instance of the emergence of the revolutionary subject; they fit much better the Hegelian notion of the abble those outside organised social space , who can express their discontent only through rrational outbursts of destructive violencewhat Hegel called bstract negativity
There is an old story about a worker suspected of stealing: every evening, as he leaves the factory , the wheelbarrow he pushes in front of him is carefully inspected. The guards find nothing; it is always empty. Finally, the penny drops: what the worker is stealing are the wheelbarrows themselves. The guards were missing the obvious truth, just as the commentators on the riots have done. We are told that the disintegration of the Communist regimes in the early 1990s signalled the end of ideology: the time of large-scale ideological projects culminating in totalitarian catastrophe was over; we had entered a new era of rational , pragmatic politics. If the commonplace that we live in a post-ideological era is true in any sense, it can be seen in this recent outburst of violence. This was zero-degree protest, a violent action demanding nothing. In their desperate attempt to find meaning in the riots, the sociologists and editorial-writers obfuscated the enigma the riots presented.
The protesters, though underprivileged and de facto socially excluded, weren living on the edge of starvation. People in much worse material straits, let alone conditions of physical and ideological oppression, have been able to organise themselves into political forces with clear agendas. The fact that the rioters have no programme is therefore itself a fact to be interpreted: it tells us a great deal about our ideological-political predicament and about the kind of society we inhabit, a society which celebrates choice but in which the only available alternative to enforced democratic consensus is a blind acting out. Opposition to the system can no longer articulate itself in the form of a realistic alternative, or even as a utopian project, but can only take the shape of a meaningless outburst. What is the point of our celebrated freedom of choice when the only choice is between playing by the rules and (self-) destructive violence ?
Alain Badiou has argued that we live in a social space which is increasingly experienced as orldless in such a space, the only form protest can take is meaningless violence. Perhaps this is one of the main dangers of capitalism: although by virtue of being global it encompasses the whole world, it sustains a orldless ideological constellation in which people are deprived of their ways of locating meaning. The fundamental lesson of globalisation is that capitalism can accommodate itself to all civilisations, from Christian to Hindu or Buddhist, from West to East: there is no global apitalist worldview no apitalist civilisation proper. The global dimension of capitalism represents truth without meaning.
The first conclusion to be drawn from the riots, therefore, is that both conservative and liberal reactions to the unrest are inadequate. The conservative reaction was predictable: there is no justification for such vandalism; one should use all necessary means to restore order; to prevent further explosions of this kind we need not more tolerance and social help but more discipline, hard work and a sense of responsibility. What wrong with this account is not only that it ignores the desperate social situation pushing young people towards violent outbursts but, perhaps more important , that it ignores the way these outbursts echo the hidden premises of conservative ideology itself. When, in the 1990s, the Conservatives launched their ack to basics campaign, its obscene complement was revealed by Norman Tebbitt: Man is not just a social but also a territorial animal; it must be part of our agenda to satisfy those basic instincts of tribalism and territoriality. his is what back to basics was really about: the unleashing of the barbarian who lurked beneath our apparently civilised, bourgeois society , through the satisfying of the barbarian asic instincts In the 1960s, Herbert Marcuse introduced the concept of epressive desublimation to explain the exual revolution human drives could be desublimated, allowed free rein, and still be subject to capitalist controlviz, the porn industry. On British streets during the unrest, what we saw was not men reduced to easts but the stripped-down form of the east produced by capitalist ideology.
Meanwhile leftist liberals, no less predictably, stuck to their mantra about social programmes and integration initiatives, the neglect of which has deprived second and third-generation immigrants of their economic and social prospects: violent outbursts are the only means they have to articulate their dissatisfaction. Instead of indulging ourselves in revenge fantasies, we should make the effort to understand the deeper causes of the outbursts. Can we even imagine what it means to be a young man in a poor, racially mixed area, a priori suspected and harassed by the police , not only unemployed but often unemployable, with no hope of a future? The implication is that the conditions these people find themselves in make it inevitable that they will take to the streets. The problem with this account, though, is that it lists only the objective conditions for the riots. To riot is to make a subjective statement, implicitly to declare how one relates to one objective conditions.
We live in cynical times, and it easy to imagine a protester who, caught looting and burning a store and pressed for his reasons, would answer in the language used by social workers and sociologists, citing diminished social mobility, rising insecurity, the disintegration of paternal authority, the lack of maternal love in his early childhood. He knows what he is doing, then, but is doing it nonetheless.
It is meaningless to ponder which of these two reactions, conservative or liberal, is the worse: as Stalin would have put it, they are both worse, and that includes the warning given by both sides that the real danger of these outbursts resides in the predictable racist reaction of the ilent majority One of the forms this reaction took was the ribal activity of the local (Turkish, Caribbean, Sikh) communities which quickly organised their own vigilante units to protect their property. Are the shopkeepers a small bourgeoisie defending their property against a genuine, if violent, protest against the system; or are they representatives of the working class, fighting the forces of social disintegration? Here too one should reject the demand to take sides. The truth is that the conflict was between two poles of the underprivileged: those who have succeeded in functioning within the system versus those who are too frustrated to go on trying. The rioters iolence was almost exclusively directed against their own. The cars burned and the shops looted were not in rich neighbourhoods, but in the rioters own. The conflict is not between different parts of society; it is, at its most radical, the conflict between society and society, between those with everything, and those with nothing, to lose; between those with no stake in their community and those whose stakes are the highest. Zygmunt Bauman characterised the riots as acts of efective and disqualified consumers more than anything else, they were a manifestation of a consumerist desire violently enacted when unable to realise itself in the roper wayby shopping. As such, they also contain a moment of genuine protest, in the form of an ironic response to consumerist ideology : ou call on us to consume while simultaneously depriving us of the means to do it properlyso here we are doing it the only way we can! The riots are a demonstration of the material force of ideologyso much, perhaps, for the ost -ideological society From a revolutionary point of view, the problem with the riots is not the violence as such, but the fact that the violence is not truly self-assertive. It is impotent rage and despair masked as a display of force; it is envy masked as triumphant carnival.
The riots should be situated in relation to another type of violence that the liberal majority today perceives as a threat to our way of life: terrorist attacks and suicide bombings. In both instances, violence and counter-violence are caught up in a vicious circle, each generating the forces it tries to combat. In both cases, we are dealing with blind passages à l cte, in which violence is an implicit admission of impotence . The difference is that, in contrast to the riots in the UK or in Paris, terrorist attacks are carried out in service of the absolute Meaning provided by religion. But weren the Arab uprisings a collective act of resistance that avoided the false alternative of self-destructive violence and religious fundamentalism? Unfortunately, the Egyptian summer of 2011 will be remembered as marking the end of revolution, a time when its emancipatory potential was suffocated. Its gravediggers are the army and the Islamists. The contours of the pact between the army (which is Mubarak army) and the Islamists (who were marginalised in the early months of the upheaval but are now gaining ground) are increasingly clear: the Islamists will tolerate the army material privileges and in exchange will secure ideological hegemony. The losers will be the pro-Western liberals, too weakin spite of the CIA funding they are gettingto romote democracy as well as the true agents of the spring events, the emerging secular left that has been trying to set up a network of civil society organisations, from trade unions to feminists. The rapidly worsening economic situation will sooner or later bring the poor, who were largely absent from the spring protests, onto the streets. There is likely to be a new explosion, and the difficult question for Egypt political subjects is who will succeed in directing the rage of the poor? Who will translate it into a political programme: the new secular left or the Islamists?
The predominant reaction of Western public opinion to the pact between Islamists and the army will no doubt be a triumphant display of cynical wisdom: we will be told that, as the case of (non-Arab) Iran made clear, popular upheavals in Arab countries always end in militant Islamism. Mubarak will appear as having been a much lesser evilbetter to stick with the devil you know than to play around with emancipation. Against such cynicism, one should remain unconditionally faithful to the radical-emancipatory core of the Egypt uprising.
But one should also avoid the temptation of the narcissism of the lost cause: it too easy to admire the sublime beauty of uprisings doomed to fail. Today left faces the problem of eterminate negation what new order should replace the old one after the uprising, when the sublime enthusiasm of the first moment is over? In this context, the manifesto of the Spanish indignados, issued after their demonstrations in May, is revealing. The first thing that meets the eye is the pointedly apolitical tone: ome of us consider ourselves progressive , others conservative. Some of us are believers, some not. Some of us have clearly defined ideologies, others are apolitical, but we are all concerned and angry about the political, economic and social outlook that we see around us: corruption among politicians, businessmen, bankers, leaving us helpless, without a voice. hey make their protest on behalf of the inalienable truths that we should abide by in our society: the right to housing, employment, culture, health, education, political participation, free personal development and consumer rights for a healthy and happy life. ejecting violence, they call for an ethical revolution. Instead of placing money above human beings, we shall put it back to our service. We are people, not products. I am not a product of what I buy, why I buy and who I buy from. ho will be the agents of this revolution? The indignados dismiss the entire political class, right and left, as corrupt and controlled by a lust for power, yet the manifesto nevertheless consists of a series of demands addressed atwhom? Not the people themselves: the indignados do not (yet) claim that no one else will do it for them, that they themselves have to be the change they want to see. And this is the fatal weakness of recent protests: they express an authentic rage which is not able to transform itself into a positive programme of sociopolitical change. They express a spirit of revolt without revolution. The situation in Greece looks more promising, probably owing to the recent tradition of progressive self-organisation (which disappeared in Spain after the fall of the Franco regime). But even in Greece, the protest movement displays the limits of self-organisation: protesters sustain a space of egalitarian freedom with no central authority to regulate it , a public space where all are allotted the same amount of time to speak and so on. When the protesters started to debate what to do next, how to move beyond mere protest, the majority consensus was that what was needed was not a new party or a direct attempt to take state power, but a movement whose aim is to exert pressure on political parties. This is clearly not enough to impose a reorganisation of social life. To do that, one needs a strong body able to reach quick decisions and to implement them with all necessary harshness. [London Review of Books Online Resource] http://www.lrb.co.uk/2011/08/19/slavoj-zizek/shopl ifters-of-the-world-unite

September 10, 2011
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